Mekelle፡Telaviv, Nairobi, Pretoria, London, (Tigray Herald)
Tigray at a critical juncture: Imagining Tigray without TPLF
Source፡ Axumawian Media
Growing up in Mekelle or any part of Tigray, it is hard to escape the tangible and intangible presence of the TPLF. TPLF logos, along with pictures of former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, are ubiquitous throughout the city. In the psyche of most Tegarus, the TPLF as a party and the government are seen as two sides of the same coin. Even Tigray’s regional media, which has never been free from TPLF influence, refers to the TPLF as “The Party” or “ውድብ,” as if it is the sole political institution in the region.
The rank and file of the TPLF are firm believers that they are above everyone else. Monjorino, one of the most senior TPLF leaders, once said, “ውድብ ከም ሃገሩ ኣይኮነን።” or “the Party is not like any other institution.” The TPLF believes that it is the only party that should hold power in Tigray, although it may present a disingenuous facade by permitting opposition parties to operate in the region.
This article is written by Hannibal B. Tesfahunegn and Lebelo W. Hailesilassie. We both grew up in Mekelle in the 1990s and 2000s, during the zenith of the TPLF’s power in Ethiopia and Tigray. We aim to foster an honest and thoughtful conversation about Tigray’s political future. We believe that long-form op-eds and articles are the best medium for such meaningful discussions, and we encourage other Tegarus to contribute by writing their own blog posts, op-eds, and articles.
However, Tigray’s politics looked markedly different in the 1960s and 1970s. The TPLF, which was founded in 1975, was initially one of many parties vying for the attention of Tegarus. The TPLF emerged as the sole party of the land through sheer military power and effective strategy, enabling it to capture every economic, political, and social institution in Tigray. Now, it is difficult to find any institution in Tigray that operates independently.
Even the Tigrayan Orthodox Church, with more than 7 million members (approximately 7 times more than the number of TPLF members), is subject to the whims of the TPLF’s power. Similarly, some diaspora organizations headquartered in free and democratic countries often serve as TPLF foreign bureaus rather than as representatives of their community members. This state capture has led many Tegarus to believe that the TPLF and Tigray are one and the same.
While we believe that the concentration of power in a single entity is dangerous, the emergence of TPLF as the only strong force was crucial to the success of the 17-year armed struggle, as the party was able to unite Tegarus from Humera to Raya and from Rama to Tembien toward a singular cause. Without this unifying factor, it would have been impossible to topple the Derg regime, which was the most powerful military government in Africa at the time.
However, this consolidation of power in the hands of the TPLF, along with the reverence many Tigrayans have for the party, is damaging Tigray. This reverence has also stifled any platform for meaningful conversation about the TPLF’s role in the region. Any criticism of the TPLF is quickly rebuffed by people who say, “ካብኦም ንላዕሊ እንታይ ትፈልጥ?” or “Who are you to judge them?” Those who hold opposing opinions to the TPLF are labeled as “traitors” or “ባንዳ,” and their Tigrayan identity is questioned. This unwavering belief in the party has led many of us to follow the TPLF’s decisions blindly, without critical examination.
We believe that there are two underlying assumptions that we Tigrayans hold, which shape our relationship with the TPLF. The first assumption is that the TPLF leadership always holds Tigray’s and Tegaru’s interests at heart, and second, that they will always make the best decisions. While these assumptions may have been true to some extent in the past, we argue that both are now incorrect, and it is time for us to start re-examining our relationship with the TPLF. In other words, we believe that the current TPLF leadership does not prioritize Tigray’s and Tegaru’s interests. Furthermore, they have repeatedly demonstrated an inability to make sound decisions that effectively serve Tigray’s needs.
For the interest of Tigrayan, collectively, it is very essential to take a closer look at our interactions with the TPLF, especially after witnessing the suffering of millions of Tigrayan as a result of a genocidal war. It is important to address certain areas where the party has not put the interest of Tigray first and where the TPLF’s decision-making structure has been questioned. This article argues on cases that demonstrated the TPLF’s fatal decisions and power affinity since the period of the genocidal war against the people of Tigray, year 2020, up to the end of the first Tigray Regional Administration (IRA) as the head of the region.
One of the significant issues that describes where TPLF’s decision was fatal and failed to put Tigray first is the 2020 regional election. Elections are a vital step towards democracy, and the people of Tigray have made many sacrifices, including a 17-year armed struggle, to establish a constitution that empowers them to elect their leaders through fair and free elections. However, the TPLF’s choice to conduct the election was not to honor these democratic principles. Instead, they aimed to retain their established power in the face of new political challenges emerging in Tigray.
The TPLF held the election at a time when tensions with the Ethiopian federal government were high, causing fear among the populace. This fear likely swayed voters to choose the TPLF, viewing them as a shield against federal pressures, rather than opting for new parties in the region. The TPLF would have remained in power even without the election, as the federal-level elections had been delayed. By going through with regional elections, the TPLF secured its grip on power for an additional few years and marginalized dissenting voices, but this led to a devastating conflict with the federal government and its allies that has been described as genocidal.
The second issue that highlights the TPLF’s prioritizing of power over the interest of the people of Tigray is the delay in establishing an interim regional government following the Pretoria agreement that required the prompt formation of a regional government in coordination with the federal government to restore governance and stability in the region. However, the process took four months, leaving the region without leadership and denying the people the basic social and economic rights they were entitled to under a functioning government.
The delay was not driven by the challenges of implementation but by the internal power struggles within the TPLF. Instead of focusing on the urgent needs of the people of Tigray, the party spent months negotiating among themselves over leadership positions in the interim government. This infighting left the region in a state of political vacuum, exacerbating the suffering of a population already dealing with the aftermath of war and conflict.
Without a functioning government during those four months, the people of Tigray were deprived of essential services, including healthcare, education, and economic support, which are fundamental duties of any government body. The period of neglect further deepened the hardships faced by the population and demonstrated that the TPLF was more focused on consolidating its power than addressing the immediate needs of the people of Tigray.
The third and perhaps most revealing issue is the emergence of the slogan ‘Wefri Embita’, which loosely translates to ‘blocking anything that threatens the party.’ While some interpret it as ‘Saving the party before the people,’ the core idea reflects the same problem; it prioritizes party politics over public needs. This slogan became a guiding principle used to reject any initiative, idea, or proposal that did not align with the party’s interest, regardless of its potential benefit to the people. It demonstrates that decisions were being made not based on what was best for Tigray, but what was best for the TPLF’s continued control.
This mindset once again shows that TPLF was more concerned with preserving its authority than addressing the people’s pain, especially during a time of crisis. Such fatal decisions, rooted in power preservation, have deepened suffering and stalled recovery. It is, therefore, crucial for the people of Tigray to reflect on this pattern and calibrate their relationship with the TPLF. True progress requires moving beyond party-centered politics and imagining a future where the well-being of Tegarus, not the survival of any one political group, is the highest priority.
Call to Action
For better or worse, the TPLF has been the dominant political institution in Tigray for the past five decades. However, the TPLF’s history should not be taken as justification for the party to remain in power indefinitely. In this article, we have argued that the TPLF is not the best party to move the region forward, and that Tigrayans collectively need to seek new political leadership. We understand that this is a gradual process. However, until this becomes a reality, we recommend the following steps to limit the damage caused by continued TPLF rule.
First, we believe that our community needs to become better at holding the TPLF accountable. So far, the relationship between the TPLF and Tigrayan society has been top-down, with little challenge to what TPLF leaders say or do. This culture needs to change, and diaspora organizations, in particular, should play a leading role. This can begin by freeing themselves from TPLF influence and ensuring their independence.
Second, we believe the time has come for all Tigrayans—whether in Tigray, elsewhere in Ethiopia, or the diaspora—to be open to new ideas and take an active role in shaping a better future for Tigray. We must foster an environment where all voices and political perspectives, including those of the TPLF, are heard and fairly debated. Everyone must be involved. Writing is one powerful way to contribute. We must fill the void by telling the world about Tigray’s pain and resilience. Use your voice: write articles, share our story, and speak out through international media. Every effort matters. Together, we can bring peace, justice, and an end to our people’s suffering.
LONG LIVE OUR MARTYRS!
Written by
Hannibal B. Tesfahunegn : hannibaltelu@hotmail.com
Lebelo W. Haileselassie : lebelohailesilassie@gmail.com
