Mekelle፡Telaviv, Nairobi, Pretoria, London, (Tigray Herald)
Deconstructing the Lies and Distortions of an Independent Tigray and International Norm
“The leadership of TPLF has taken the Tigrayan people into the abyss of poverty and ignorance, even though a highly sophisticated political system is in place to allow only the few to advance their clutches on power. As a result, Awraja’s animosity and deep-seated mistrust feed much of our involvement in today’s politics of Tigray. Most of us are engaged in irrelevant pseudo-intellectual argot instead of offering competing visions for Tigray.
In contrast, our dialogue has become a ruthlessly irrational and unfair personal fight. Political expediency has triggered the authoring of flimsy articles aimed at provoking and getting emotional appeal to distract people from seeking factual answers to legitimate, rational questions. Instead of developing a prudent political and economic program, some of us engaged our readers in a vindictive agenda of gathering sympathizers. Such activity is one of the great tragedies hindering our development and advancing our causes in the future. Our inflated ego paralyzes us, and when we move out of such inertia, we make lofty generalizations to outsmart fellow Tegrawot. It is a sad and unpleasant situation unfolding in front of our eyes.
In this context, watching the press releases ምስረታ ምንቅስቃስ ድምፂ ሃገረ ትግራይ (Voice for an Independent Tigray (VIT) Declaration) on Brakhe Show (ብራኸ ሾው) YouTube signals that war drummers have indeed continued to resurrect from their hideouts to wage an emotional battle equipped with empty rhetoric and a spiteful agenda as their arsenal. To sell their agenda to the public, individuals and some scholars who are the core TPLF supporters have become masters at manipulating history to put the best spin on events that otherwise would show a truth that may not be that flattering.
The unspeakable atrocities that occurred in Tigray are unfathomable, both because of the scale of savagery in the conflict and because they defy every tenet of our civilized existence. We have become increasingly immune and unmoved by the brutality unfolding. Explain that to those who have endured unmatched cruelty and brutality, finding salvation only in death. To the starving little boy who is about to die from malnutrition; to the girl who was raped a dozen times and left to die; to the shattered father who lost his entire family; to the weeping mother whose child died in her arms. Yes, explain it to the tens of thousands of children who are about to perish because of a lack of medical care to the millions of traumatized refugees who lost hope of ever recovering again.
Explain to them, ‘You are better off today than the tens of millions who perished before you.’ Explain to the victims of rape as a weapon of war. As a method of coercion, girls as young as seven and monks are raped in front of their parents. The USA State Department confirms that ethnic cleansing by way of starvation, gang rape, and village burning has become the status quo. As a result, nearly two million people have been internally displaced. Did we make it our priority to get justice for victims of genocide? We have demonstrated nothing but ineptitude and self-serving political wrangling.
In light of this, this press release from the ምስረታ ምንቅስቃስ ድምፂ ሃገረ ትግራይ (Voice for an Independent Tigray (VIT) Declaration) reveals more about the illness of the diaspora politics to shift the agenda than anything else. It illustrates the powerful reasons behind TPLF’s irresponsible and treasonous leadership, with leaders pretending to represent all of Tigrai while violating constitutional provisions at every turn.
They are either incompetent thugs or deviously treacherous individuals fully aware of the treason they commit to satisfy their ambitious hunger for power, disregarding the vital interests of the nation as a whole. Let me emphasize the urgent need for a clear understanding of the harm inflicted upon Tigrai by the TPLF and its associates due to establishing the federal state structure. Many expressed in several articles that the Federal Structure of the State of Ethiopia under the 1995 Constitution is divisive and ultimately weakened the Tigray state along ethnic lines.
The issue with Tegrawot diaspora propagandists is not ignorance but rather a lack of intellectual integrity, curiosity, and ethics. ምስረታ ምንቅስቃስ ድምፂ ሃገረ ትግራይ (Voice for an Independent Tigray (VIT) Declaration) articulates the case for statehood, citing genocide and international law: Tigray suffers from selfish individuals who take advantage of others’ suffering to further their interests within the regime. These individuals have become obstacles to 70 Enderta and Raya Azebo, with a threat of violent and abusive suppression of individual rights, as we have witnessed over the last six months.
Accumulated frustration and hopelessness are insufficient on their own; there comes a moment when stark reality can overpower even the most compelling arguments. At this critical point, individuals can free their minds and energies by directly confronting their existence, untainted by misleading narratives. As Jean-Paul Sartre noted when exposing false narratives following slavery in the Americas: “Our victims know us by their scars and their chains, and it is this that makes their evidence irrefutable.” [Jean-Paul Sartre’s Foreword to Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 1973, p.12]
Furthermore, their deliberate avoidance of controversial subjects has exacerbated the problem, an unhealthy degree of functional, even mercenary, quality in the works of many diaspora propagandists. Many developments are taking place in Tigray and among the global Diaspora Community. The harassment, intimidation, threats, and human rights abuses against the 70 Enderta, Agame, Wukro, Tembien, Adwa, Shire, Axum, and Raya Azebo individuals continue unabated, despite their peaceful efforts to select their representatives.
Diaspora propagandists of the regime often do not hold anyone in real or perceived power accountable, especially those who might jeopardize their affiliation with the TPLF. Numerous examples can be found regarding this matter. Have we ever questioned the assumptions and, at times, outrageous sweeping generalizations made about Tigray’s history or society? Perhaps only a few of us have taken that step. That record would not inspire confidence or pride in the accomplishments.
The problem, as we see it, relates to the inability of diaspora TPLF propagandists and writers to listen to one another. Another issue is their lack of curiosity to investigate or challenge age-old assumptions, the TPLF political fallacy. The overwhelming desire not to stand out by challenging the norm has stifled our ability to create original works. Numerous subjects, events, and situations warrant scrutiny and investigation concerning an independent Tigray, but we have fallen short by neglecting to do the job. Instead, we accept subpar contributions from diaspora TPLF propagandists. We are more focused on our desire rather than absorbing or critically evaluating the merit of what is presented to Tigray. No civilization can thrive on a few individuals disconnected from “excellence” and efforts.
Genocide and International Law
Then, how do we get justice and an independent Tigray under the UN provision?
We observed that international organizations and laws cannot effectively prevent wars; therefore, the solution to this global phenomenon lies in domestic laws, not international ones. To prevent future wars, we should prioritize domestic issues first. In this context, here are some possible solutions to pursue a grandiose agenda of statehood. The concept of international law and its application to specific events suggests that it primarily serves to legitimize the violent and oppressive actions of genocide criminals. This perspective, which lacks explicit enforcement tools, provides only moral approbation. Consequently, the law is seen more as a repression tool than a means to reflect social order and aspirations, intended to guide, inspire, and lead people toward justice.
Genocide, the intentional destruction of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group, is a serious crime that can be linked to self-determination conflicts. Perpetrators may employ genocide as a means to suppress or eliminate groups advocating for self-determination or autonomy, often invoking the threat to their own group’s survival as justification. Conversely, groups alleging genocide may use it to support claims of self-determination, aiming for autonomy or secession. However, one possible way to bring mass murder under international law is to abandon the principle of territorial sovereignty, that is, the idea that the “internal matter” of a state is subject only to the laws of that state.
This idea is usually linked to the Treaty of Westphalia, created in 1648, which ended the Thirty Years’ War, which decrees how, in the context of international law, governments often view their actions toward their citizens as private affairs. During the late 1980s, Iraqi warplanes used chemical weapons on Kurdish villages, leading to the tragic loss of thousands of innocent lives. Sadly, the international community responded with indifference, labelling this atrocity as an “internal matter”. Yet, when Iraq invaded Kuwait, it triggered a rapid and united response across the globe. The editors delve into how international law can be crucial in preventing or holding accountable those behind such mass violence. To make this effective, we need to reconsider the principle of territorial sovereignty, fostering a space for international intervention by acknowledging that genocide was committed in Tigray at the ICC.
Our editorial purpose is to address the Voice for an Independent Tigray (VIT) Declaration, a press release we shall critique to provide a broad overview of how self-determination up to secession evolves. The right of a people to make a collective choice about their destiny still awaits full recognition in the world’s political interest. The right to self-determination is usually considered secondary or tertiary as opposed to the rights of nationalities or states. Most intellectuals believe the right of the state prevails over the rights of nationalities; both have great value and must not be permitted to work against each other, but protecting nationalities’ rights must be a paramount concern.
Proclamation No. 1/1995 Proclamation of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
In recent years, the issue of self-determination leading to secession has sparked considerable controversy. The explanations for these differences depend on the analyst’s perspective, resulting in various interpretations. The debate has expanded to include voices arguing that self-determination is no longer feasible for Ethiopia. Numerous proposals have emerged, reflecting the complexities of Ethiopian society, suggesting ways for the Ethiopian State to endure without considering the discriminatory practices affecting the governed populace.
In dealing with the subject of self-determination for secession, many Ethiopian scholars misrepresent the need for it in a form of collective hypocrisy. Whatever the motive of some scholars, Ethiopia, once a destitute and divided society, is gradually uniting with renewed pride, at least for two decades: Ethiopia that guarantees freedom and equality of self-rule. Thus, the principle of arrangement is making a great effort to destroy the old myth “one political community (Amharic version)” preached by Amhara elites.
The concept of self-determination appears to express the idea of democracy, according to which the people are presumed to be the best qualified to govern themselves. It is this idea of democracy that the nationalities or tribes govern and determine their destinies. For the first time in Ethiopian history, Ethiopia can commit to eradicating discrimination, guaranteeing the rights of nationalities’ self-determination principle of recognition. Such an arrangement is key to eliminating inequalities and subjection to other dominant cultures for most Ethiopian nationalities.
Through recognized and understood civil and political rights, Ethiopia can only survive as a political entity if that was the norm. However, many opponents feel self-determination is an outdated response to imperialist aggression. Still, international law, based on moral principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, protects human rights and champions the cause. One way or the other, the point is protecting the rights of nationalities to choose the political, economic, and cultural autonomy without any form of interference or imposition to have the right to secession or statehood.
Where is the UN Security Council, which can pass enforceable resolutions to end the violent hostilities yet has shown nothing but ineptitude and self-serving political fighting? Given all the unfolding horror, what is most disturbing and outrageous is that the diaspora community has not only forfeited its moral obligation by failing to take every measure to mitigate the conflict but has also demonstrated a miserable failure to provide the necessary steps through the ICC. How sad and disgraceful it is that the diaspora can mitigate this disastrous declaration for independent Tigray. The most dangerous individuals are initiated without any sense of history.
The advocacy for everyone’s right to self-determination and secession rests on both moral and political grounds, helping to keep the territorial integrity of the Ethiopian State intact. In light of this, the Ethiopian democratic government has initiated a thoughtful dialogue aimed at political strategies that focus on the rights of nationalities to self-determination. Here, we should see these principles as pathways to social justice. Supporting self-determination, including secession, is vital for safeguarding the freedoms of those who have experienced oppression for too long.
The ongoing denial of liberty to these nationalities, while the empire’s representatives maintain their influence, creates a considerable risk. Despite this, there remains a reluctance to accept the legitimacy of the nationalities’ self-rule, which is fuelling calls for secession. It is essential to recognize that this quest for political autonomy stands apart from national operations and the cultural decline of these nationalities, highlighting a unique challenge in preserving the Ethiopian State’s traditional practices.
But it is sadder still to have lived in such a dream as an observer—to have witnessed a people drained of initiative by years of deception and miscalculation, stir themselves and clutch at a dream of freedom, and then to see the dream crumble to dust.” It is a sad story—saddest of all for the millions of ordinary Ethiopians who, almost exactly a year after the dawn of hope, have little to look forward to except the darkness of increased chaos. {Blair Thompson’s Report on the BBC Radio News, Feb. 06, 1977.
Tigray yearns for just, equal, and consistent governance that upholds individual rights and values and utilizes diversity to reach a higher standard. The enemies of truth and purveyors of disinformation and misinformation would relish this opportunity. We suspect this is yet another instance of disregard for legal, ethical, or moral standards when attempting to align with a regime that has made Tigray a war zone and has brought about mayhem. It is alarming and frightening that we must confront the harsh realities of diaspora politics.
The Role of Tegrawot in the Diaspora
As Tegrawot diaspora organizations, we must appeal to governments and supranational institutions such as the United Nations and the European Union to recognize the Tigrai genocide campaign. Furthermore, the diaspora’s active lobbying efforts can provide opportunities for participation in increased strategic activism.
Tegrawot in the Diaspora must successfully mobilize in various host countries to advocate for the recognition of the Tigrai Genocide. For example, the Armenian government’s lobbying efforts and vigorous mobilization within its diaspora have kept the issue of recognition at the forefront of parliamentary agendas in European countries, the US, and beyond.
This is evident in the case of the Armenian genocide, which has become a highly politicized matter. It is recognized internationally, partly due to lobbying by the Armenian diaspora.
The success of lobbying efforts depends on visible leadership from diaspora members and organizations acting unified, overlooking underlying ideological differences, and aligning their political interests. Diaspora organizations also contribute to advancing these claims. It can be said that the efforts to recognize genocide have gained international attention due to active advocacy from the diaspora. Additionally, numerous studies have focused on the internationalization of genocide recognition claims through diaspora lobbying for their homeland. However, these recognition claims can be co-opted for secession if the political circumstances in the region become favorable, as seen in the case of Tigrai independence.
Building a Coalition Among Diasporas
Building coalitions to recognize genocide involves three key factors: a common adversary. This host-land context supports human rights and transitional justice claims and a specific issue to focus on from abroad. Coalitions based on shared experiences of victimhood and identities can encourage long-term cooperation and involvement; such strategic interests promote a mutual understanding of victimhood experiences or identities. Coalition-building among diaspora groups constitutes a central strategy. I have researched the mobilizations of the Armenian, Assyrian, and Kurdish diasporas for genocide recognition from the perspective of their interrelations. These diasporas have distinct histories with overlapping current agendas.
Coalition-building is just one way diaspora groups seek to raise awareness among others about human rights violations and genocides as a “never again” experience. Between 2016 and 2018, such solidarity was demonstrated in diaspora circles in response to the chemical gas attacks against civilians during the war in Syria and the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya in Myanmar. Due to the Holocaust, the Jewish diaspora has been looked to in this regard and sought after by other diasporas. Bosnians, Palestinians, Rwandans, and Tamils have expressed humanistic claims in solidarity with others.
The enduring alliance between Armenians and Assyrians is primarily rooted in demands for genocide recognition. The coalition between Armenians and Kurds also connects to Kurdish involvement in the Armenian genocide, shared experiences of more recent violence in Turkey, and an ongoing fear of additional killings. The desire of Iraqi Kurds for the Anfal massacres to be recognized as genocide serves more as a persistent verbal gesture than as a formal movement.
References
Abraham, M. 2016. “German Recognition of the Armenian, Assyrian Genocide.” June 6. http://www.aina.org/releases/20160606170745.htm
Baser, B., and M. Toivanen. 2017. “The Politics of Genocide Recognition.” Journal of Genocide Research 19 (3): 404–426.
Godwin, M. 2017. “Diasporas and International Coalition-Building for Political Prisoners.” Presentation at ERC Workshop Diasporas and Transitional Justice. Baltimore, MD
Makris, A. 2015. “Dutch Parliament Recognizes Greek, Assyrian, and Armenian Genocide.” Greek Reporter. April 11. https://greekreporter.com/2015/04/11/dutch-parliament-recognizes-greek-assyrian-and-armenian-genocide/
Koinova, M., and D. Karabegovic. 2019. “Causal Mechanisms in Diaspora Mobilizations for Transitional Justice.” Ethnic and Racial Studies.
Introduction to this special issue. Kovras, J. 2017. Grassroots Activism and the Evolution of Transitional Justice. Cambridge:
Charles W. Kegley Jr. and George A. Raymond, Expecting the Expecting Ghost of Westphalia: Building World Orderin the New Millennium, 129-32 (Prence Hall 2002)
Source፡Tigray Liberity Media(TLM)
