By Christopher Clapham

Ethiopia and the problem of diversity

Professor Christopher Clapham opened the session on opinions and analyses of scholars on the political situation with a historical and analytical consideration of the problems of ethnic diversity in a context of state sovereignty. Addressing his Oromo audience with an oral presentation, he refrained from a scientific apparatus of footnotes and references, though his text certainly is informed by a long career of research on this and related topics in the context of the region.

FROM HAILE-SELASSIE TO MELES: GOVERNMENT, PEOPLE AND THE NATIONALITIES QUESTION IN ETHIOPIA

Ethiopia and the problem of diversity

The basic question with which Oromos and other nationalities in Ethiopia are concerned is by no means restricted to Ethiopia or even to Africa. That question is it possible to reconcile the identities and aspirations of particular peoples with the demands of membership of a single multinational state? is the most important challenge facing the construction of a peaceful and democratic global order, and it must be answered not only in Africa, but in the great majority of the countries of the world. Very few states indeed have but a single ‘nationality’, and even the attempt to create states that are ethnically homogeneous has usually been accompanied by great violence. Though the existing frontiers of states are not sacred, and these may sometimes have to change, and indeed have changed, there is no conceivable way in which the diverse peoples of the world can each be divided into separate sovereign states. The successful development of democratic governance, in Ethiopia as elsewhere, critically depends on the accommodation of diversity.

In most of Africa, the problem of diversity is automatically ascribed to European colonialism, and to the arbitrary and artificial frontiers of most African states, which were usually drawn by colonialists, without any reference to the African peoples whom they divided between one territory and another. I am often greeted with astonishment when I tell other Africans that this problem may be greatest in those states that were created not by Europeans, but by Africans themselves. The reason is that European colonialism subjected all Africans to the common oppression of an external power, whereas indigenous African states were almost necessarily based on the power of one group inside that state over others, and therefore had a much more basic premise of inequality’ built into the state itself. Ethiopia is in this respect is by no means alone, a number of other African states with essentially indigenous origins, such as Sudan, Rwanda and Burundi, have experienced far CMI REPORT

EXPLORING NEW POLITICAL ALTERNATIVES FOR THE OROMO

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Ethiopia is indeed a very peculiar country: it was never an apartheid-style state, with power reserved to the members of one particular nationality, but has always been multi-national. It has however had a dominant cultural core, notably represented by Orthodox Christianity, the Amharic language, and the acceptance of as ‘great tradition’ of Ethiopian history, which anyone who wanted to ‘belong to the state has had to adopt. The resulting sense of inequality was then greatly intensified by the great expansion of the territory of the Ethiopian state at the time of Emperor Menilek, and by the intensely exploitative system of land-holding that was then established, as well as by the deeply authoritarian culture of the state itself.

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It is a state in which some Oromos, albeit always a small minority, have had an important place for the last three centuries, whereas many, indeed most, Oromos have been among its most exploited peoples, We may think of Menilek’s general Ras Gobana as an Oromo who conquered Oromos, but Menilek himself-coming as he did from an area of ​​mixed population in which Oromos, Amharas and other peoples had mingled for several centuries is almost certain to have had some Oromo blood, and was evidently very different in appearance from the classic Amhara type. Ninety years. ago, Ethiopia was ruled by the Oromo Negus Mikael and his son Yasu; but Haile Selassie, who overthrew them, was himself half-Oromo, since both of his grandfathers were Oromo (for completeness, one grandmother was Amhara, and the other Gurage). For much of their recent history, Oromos have been partly inside and partly outside the Ethiopian state, an ambivalent position due partly to the peculiar nature and changing boundaries of the Ethiopian state itself, but also to the great diversity among Oromos, who have many different histories, just as they have different religions and different traditional modes of production. This peculiar status, partly inside and partly outside a state of whose population they form the largest single group, continues to define the problems facing Oromos today.

Alternative approaches to diversity There are only a limited number of ways in which states and peoples can respond to diversity, and over the last 50 years, Ethiopia and the Oromo have experienced three different ones, which between them represent three of the main mechanisms through which some accommodation. between statehood and identity can be attempted. Each of these, certainly, has had its problems, which in the first two cases go a long way to explain why they have now passed into history. We must however remember that this is an area in which every would-be solution has its problems: there is no perfect outcome, and whichever option is adopted, including those that have not yet been tried, will necessarily have its downside as well as its advantages.

Haile Selassie and assimilation

The imperial government Haile Selassie, through to his deposition in the 1974 revolution, followed a policy that can broadly be described as assimilationist: he assumed that over time, all Ethiopians. would become roughly the same, by becoming in essence like himself, Amharic-speaking. Orthodox Christians, embodying the Ethiopian ‘great tradition of Axum, Lalibela and empire. His home region of Shoa was itself an expression of this idea of Ethiopia, a region of mixed ethnicity, many of whose peoples had only recently been annexed to the country, but which was nonetheless. central to the Ethiopian state. Haile Selassie did not do very much to promote this policy, but as a feudal or dynastic leader he did not see much need to. His agenda was largely limited to the extension of centralised government over the whole country, and the suppression of any attempt to develop any alternative source of identity, such as Somali, Eritrean or indeed Oromo. More positive attempts at integration involved ensuring that education and other government services were provided only in Amharic, and dynastic marriages with the historic ruling families of Welega and. Tigray; but the active promotion of Ethiopian nationalism would in itself have implied a level of popular participation in government that the imperial state could not have withstood.

Haile Selassie’s assimilationist policy, like his government as a whole, was always a lost cause. Increased demands for popular participation are an inevitable consequence of modernisation, and such demands always intensify latent identities. The imperial government did nothing at all- indeed, quite the opposite to rectify the deep injustices that had been perpetuated by the existing class and especially land-holding structures of southern Ethiopia. Already by the end of his reign, the idea of self-determination for Ethiopia’s nationalities was coming to the fore, a process represented in the case of the Oromo by the Macha Tulama association, one of whose young activists, Mamo Mezmir, was a member of my own class at the Law School of Addis Ababa. University in the late 1960s. The idea that Ethiopia’s numerous nationalities could be seamlessly. welded into a common identity represented by ‘historic Ethiopia was never realisable; and the revolution that erupted in 1974 simply precipitated into the political arena tensions that would inevitably, sooner or later, have made their way to the surface.

The Derg and revolutionary nationalism

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The Derg regime of Mengistu Haile-Mariam and his associates had a very different vision of Ethiopia, which derived from their own revolutionary military nationalism. They felt that if oppression and inequality could be swept away, and the injustices of the old ‘feudal system could be rectified, notably with regard to the land question, then the basic underlying causes of Ethiopia’s internal divisions would no longer exist, and all Ethiopians could join together as members of a single equal and united nation. This vision was moreover very widely shared by the young, educated and idealistic Ethiopians of that time. Its great expression was of course the land reform of 1975, and the zemecha or revolutionary development campaign that immediately followed it, in which high school and university students were despatched to the countryside, to reconnect with their rural roots and implement the land reform and other revolutionary measurers on the ground.

This again was not an entirely fraudulent vision, and like Haile Selassie’s Shoan attitude, it made sense especially to those who promoted it: in this case, junior officers in the army, and many of their contemporaries in the university and elsewhere. Mengistu Haile-Mariam’s own ethnicity remains uncertain, though he was most probably a Kullo Konta from the south-west; and whatever you may say about him, there can be little doubt that he was an Ethiopian nationalist, with a whole- hearted (indeed brutal) commitment to national unity. The great land reform likewise undoubtedly created enthusiasm for the revolution among the peasantry, and perhaps especially the Oromo peasantry, who unlike their northern counterparts had lacked the security provided by traditional. systems of land tenure. The great revolutionary armies of the late 1970s, that in 1977/78 defeated. the Somalis and pinned back the Eritreans, were to a very large extent Oromo armies, and credible reports from that period emphasise the enthusiasm with which they saw themselves as defending their revolution against its domestic and international enemies. Many of the intellectuals who, initially at least, supported the revolution and offered advice and encouragement to the Derg, were likewise Oromos, with Haile Fida most prominent among them. These were associated especially with the Meison movement, and some of them continued to support the Derg right up until the end

But as we all know, the Derg too was doomed, not just because of the end of the Cold War and the loss of Soviet support, which I would rank only as secondary causes of its fall, but much more. important, because it had failed inside Ethiopia, both economically and politically. Regardless of the international situation, it would soon have collapsed anyhow. Economically, the gains from land reform had been lost by a socialist planned economy, with its counterproductive insistence on centralised control, and were emphasised by famine. Politically, the Derg completely failed to put together any form of participation that would meet the needs of Ethiopia’s diverse peoples; its Leninist vanguard party, like all such parties, was no more than an instrument for ambitious careerists. Militarily, as Ethiopia’s old professionally army was wasted away in never-ending conflicts against highly motivated and well-organised guerrilla forces, and their conscript replacements lost the will to die in a losing cause. We have to remember that it was not overthrown

by Oromos, directly at least, but by a movement which was drawn from ‘historic’ Ethiopia, in Tigray and even Amhara; but its fall was certainly hastened by the loss of Oromo support: the conscripts of the 1980s were very different from the volunteers of 1977, and were only too ready to desert, at which point many of them were recruited to help start the PDOs, through which the EPRDF sought to extend its support into areas in which it had no military presence. Eventually, the Derg armies just fell apart.

The EPRDF and ethnic federalism

This brings us, of course, to Meles Zenawi, the EPRDF, and a third approach to the issue of nationalities in Ethiopia, very different from the previous two and indeed from anything else int Africa. I have never met any African political figure from outside Ethiopia who did not regard Ethiopian ethnic federalism as completely crazy, and so it is worth remembering where this remarkable experiment came from. It has two sources: one external to Ethiopia, and one internal. The external one came paradoxically, given Soviet support for the Derg, against which Meles and his colleagues had spent so long fighting from the USSR, and notably from Stalin’s theory of the national question, which not only Meles but Mengistu and the Derg had studied carefully.

This held that differences between ‘nationalities’, a word which comes directly from the vocabulary of Soviet communism, were ultimately due to class exploitation, and could be removed by autonomy, of the kind that produced the Union Republics of the USSR, now independent states. In the Derg’s time, the attempt to implement a Soviet model of development led not only to central planning and the formation of a Leninist vanguard party, the WPE, but also to the establishment of the Institute for the Study of Ethiopian Nationalities (ISEN), and the ethnic mapping of Ethiopia, an enterprise that had not previously been attempted. Strangely, the boundaries between the current Ethiopian regions, and within the SNNPRS, derive very largely from work carried out for the Derg, which the EPRDF simply took over, even though it is inconceivable that the Derg could ever have taken nationality autonomy to anything like the lengths promoted by its successor.

But within the country, it is also important to remember the experience of the TPLF in Tigray, and the particular slant that this gave them on the ‘national question in Ethiopia. This in turn did much to shape the policies of the EPRDF regime. For a start, there was never any contradiction between being ‘Tigrayan’ and being “Ethiopian’. Tigrays remain proud of their historic role in the formation of the Ethiopian state, dating back to the time of the Axumite empire, and however great their resentment at their subordination to Amharas (and especially Shoans) to the south, they only ever really wanted autonomy within Ethiopia. It was correspondingly easy for them to assume that the relationship between maintaining your own ethnic identity and belonging to a wider Ethiopia would be as simple for others as it was for themselves. Equally. Tigray as a deeply impoverished region is highly dependent on the rest of Ethiopia, and splitting away from it makes no economic sense. Tigray is also an exceptionally homogeneous region in ethnic terms, precisely because it is so poor that people have always migrated out of it and not into it, and it was therefore easy for the TPLF leaders to assume that the rest of Ethiopia could be divided into ethnic blocks equivalent to Tigray. In fact both the distribution of nationalities in other parts of Ethiopia, not least for the Oromo, and the relationship between the way in which people identify with specific nationalities on the one. hand and the Ethiopian state on the other, are vastly more contested and complex than in Tigray. Finally, of course, the policy of ethnic federalism also made a politically convenient platform through which to build alliances with other regional forces against the Derg. I very much doubt, however, whether the TPLF adopted this programme for purely tactical reasons, for them it really seemed to make sense.

Ethiopian politics and the logic of nationality This is not the place to go into the lost opportunities of the post-1991 period, the break between the EPRDF and the OLF, and the current political situation in Ethiopia and the Horn. These are matters which other and much better qualified participants will be taking up in the course of this meeting. and about which I myself have much to learn. It may be helpful, however, is to explore some of the logics that the current system gives rise to, taking account of the truism in the study of conflict management, that what appears as the ‘solution’ to a conflict in some respects, creates further potential sources of conflict when looked at in different ways.

For the EPRDF, if the salient problem of Ethiopia was its division between nationalities, and its history of the exploitation of some nationalities by others, then the answer to that problem was to give a high level of autonomy to each nationality within a federal system of government. But this answer, whatever you may think of it as a diagnosis and response to the challenges facing Ethiopia, has created further problems at three different levels.

First, there is the question of the relationship between nationalities and the Ethiopian state, not just in terms of the level of actual devolution to each national state, and the genuineness of the autonomy offered by the central government to the regions, both of which we will certainly be looking at later in this meeting, but in terms also of the question of how ‘being Oromo – or Amhara, or Gurage, or Afar relate to the idea of ‘being’ Ethiopian. Are these opposed or compatible ideas? Most studies of nationalism regard the ‘nation’ as making a hegemonic claim on the loyalty of its citizens, such that a commitment to the nation must displace any alternative. loyalty, or at least relegate it to a very clearly subordinate position. On this basis, then either the vast majority of Ethiopians would have to come to think of themselves as being primarily Ethiopian, essentially replicating the programme of the Derg, or else the competing claims of different nationalities could be achieved only by splitting the country apart into its separate ethnic elements, in the way that happened with the break-up of the Soviet Union. Both Ethiopian nationalists, in the current political situation, and the proponents of separatist or secessionist ethnic identities, are essentially agreed on the mutual exclusivity of these rival claims on people’s allegiance; they differ only in which alternative they seek to promote. For the EPRDF, on the other hand, belonging to a particular nationality and belonging to Ethiopia as a whole are not only compatible but complementary: federal Ethiopia is quite extraordinary among states in insisting that its people cannot be simply ‘Ethiopian’, but requiring that they belong to Ethiopia through their prior membership of a particular nationality. There is no political party, for example, at least on the government side, for anyone who does not identify themselves as belonging to one or another nationality. You must first identify yourself as being Oromo or Afar or Gurage or whatever, in order to participate in Ethiopian political life. The nearest equivalent of which I am aware is the European Union, where being ‘European” is accessed through a prior membership of the individual member

states.

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Second, there is the question of the relationship between one nationality and another, which scarcely mattered when nationality in itself scarcely mattered, but which becomes of critical importance when nationality is made the basis on which the whole of Ethiopia is to be governed. In terms of territory, for example, lands which were historically shared between different peoples, as was the case along much of the frontier between what are now Oromia and the SNNPRS, have to be allocated according to a fixed boundary between one group and the other. This can easily create conflicts that did not exist before ethnicity became the basis for governance, as of course did. separation of Eritrea from Ethiopia, which gave a vastly increased importance to the Ethiopia- Eritrea frontier, the precise location of which had scarcely mattered when the territory on both sides of it came under common rule. The relationship between nationalities now equally raises issues of identity: whereas in the past, a great many Ethiopians had mixed identities, being descended from different groups, under the new structure they have to identify themselves as belonging to one group or another. Finally but not least, this relationship now affects issues of power, whereas before, this. was obscured both by the myth that everyone was just “Ethiopian’, and more practically by the fact that everyone was governed from Addis Ababa, it is now much more explicit because important

issues of local governance depend on it. It matters, in a way that it previously did not, whether Gambela is controlled by Anywaa or by Nuer, whether the city of Awassa is part of the Sidaama. zone or outside it, or whether Silte are treated as Gurages, or as a separate nationality of their own.

Third, the new political order also affects the relationships between different people and groups of the same nationality, an issue that is especially important for the Oromo, who are so many and so varied. Since there is now an Oromo regional state, as there never was in the past, then it matters. which Oromo govern that state, in the way that it never did in the past. Power divides, and behind the façade of unity that masks any political movement (and especially any nationalist movement), there are always divisive questions as to who will exercise that power, and how it will be used. There are deeper issues, too, for any movement, and notably in this case for Oromos, as to what “being Oromo involves. How do you define the nature of ‘Oromoness”, and how does this relate to the many ways in which Oromos differ from one another? Different Oromo groups have historically pursued very different lifestyles, from peasant farmers at one end of the spectrum to nomadic pastoralists at the other. They adhere to different religious beliefs, whether traditional, protestant Christian, Moslem or Orthodox. They have created very different histories for themselves, or had. such histories created for them: the Oromos of Borana, of Jima and the Gibe river states, of Welega, Showa, Welo, Arsi, and Kereyu, have had very different experiences of the past, which may be expected to shape their aspirations for the future. Power imposes great responsibilities on those to whom it is entrusted, and as Oromos come increasingly to exercise the power to which they are entitled, then those responsibilities, and the choices that power brings with it, will have to be faced.

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TPLF Affirms Peace as Its Unwavering Strategic Choice: A Commitment from the Past, Present, and into the Future

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) unequivocally states that peace has consistently been and remains its strategic choice, both in the past and looking forward to the future. The history of the Tigrayan people is marked not by aggression but by a persistent defense of their rights and existence against oppression and injustice. This experience has ingrained in them the true cost of conflict, not through abstract history but through the tangible losses of loved ones and the devastation of their communities. It is from this place of understanding that the Tigrayan people, and by extension the TPLF, have chosen a path of peace, striving for harmonious relations and cooperation with their neighbors.

The TPLF was compelled to engage in armed struggle in 1975 only when all non-violent methods to confront the systemic oppression against the Tigrayan people were deliberately blocked. This challenging period, however, culminated in notable successes that highlight the Tigrayan people’s and their leadership’s resilience and solidarity. In the last three years, the genocidal war  against  the people of Tigray inflicted unprecedented loss of life and widespread destruction in the region. Despite these severe challenging times, the unwavering unity and leadership of the TPLF and the Tigrayan people have not only enabled them to endure but also to pivot towards advocating for peace through political means.

Even in the face of a genocidal campaign, the TPLF and the TPLF led administration have consistently advocated for peace and dialogue. This commitment was evident before the conflict, at its onset, and continued through the signing of the Pretoria Peace Agreement. Despite the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, challenges remain, including the presence of non-ENDF forces, their occupation of Tigrayan territories, and the plight of displaced persons and refugees. The lack of progress on these issues is concerning, and recent accusations of war preparations against the TPLF are unfounded and part of a broader campaign to undermine Tigray’s unity and leadership.

The TPLF remains dedicated to the Pretoria agreement as a framework for ending conflicts and achieving lasting peace. We are committed to the peaceful political struggle to ensure the withdrawal of non-ENDF forces from the region, the restoration of Tigray’s constitutional territorial integrity, the safe return of internally displaced people and refugees, and resumption of humanitarian aid and accountability. The strategic choice of the TPLF for peace is unwavering, and we will continue to pursue this path with determination.

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Joint Statement of CSOs in Response to Eritrea’s Consistent Denial of its Presence in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region and Illegal Occupation of parts of Tigray.

Statement in Response to Eritrea’s Consistent Denial of its Presence in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region and Illegal Occupation of parts of Tigray

On February 28th, 2024, the Media and Communication Office of the Embassy of the State of Eritrea to UK & Ireland London issued a statement once again denying their presence in Tigray and their illegal occupation of Tigrayan territories, falsely claiming that “Eritrean Troops are on Sovereign Eritrean Territories.”

In any case and as stressed above, false accusations of the presence of Eritrean troops in Tigray Region in fact refer to, and are literally a euphemism for, the sovereign Eritrean territories that the TPLF had illegally occupied for two decades with impunity. Eritrean troops are otherwise inside Eritrean sovereign territories with no presence in Ethiopian sovereign land.”

We condemn and refute these claims from the Eritrean government in the strongest possible terms.

Firstly, it is verified that the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) continue to occupy several areas across different zones in Tigray. In the Eastern Zone, they occupy the districts of Zalambessa town, Gulemekada (sub-districts: Marta, Addis Tesfa, Addis Alem, Shewit Lemlem, and Sebeya) and Irob (sub-districts: Endalgeda, Weratle, Agerelekoma and Alitena). In the Northwestern Zone, they occupy parts of several districts, including Tahtay Adebayo (sub-districts: Rural Badme, Badme Town, Gemhalo. Ademeyti, Adi Tsetser, Lemlem, Shembelina, Mentebteb. Adi Aser), Maekel Adebayo (sub-districts: Adi Awala, Kushet Ayay, May Abay), Seyemti Adiyabo (Adiyabiya Digum sub-district). Lastly, in the Central Zone, they occupy parts of two districts: Egela (sub-districts: Hoya Medeb (specific villages: Kolo Birdo, Sebeo Belesa, Adi Kutu, Ouna Shehaq), Erdi Genanu; Kushet Egri Sebeya, Ziban Sesewe) and Rama (Mereb sub-district) fully or partially.

EDF’s extensive presence in Tigray, as detailed above, not only represents a continued violation

of Tigray’s territorial integrity and Ethiopia’s sovereignty but has been a source of constant

terror for Tigrayans in these areas, as Eritrea has unleashed its genocidal campaign. EDF

continues to commit atrocity crimes in occupied territories 16 months after the signing of the

Pretoria agreement in November 2022. Among the crimes against humanity and acts of genocide

committed are Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances,

and looting of public properties and livestock.

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IROB ANINA CIVIL SOCIETY

Iroquois and Anna civil society

Though Eritrea’s current use of force to annex land and largely erase or subjugate Tigrayans is unjustifiable, its occupation of Tigray also goes well beyond the territories delimited by the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) in 2002. The territories the EDF currently occupies reflect Eritrea’s territory claims that were initially submitted to the EEBC and subsequently rejected. EDF currently brutally occupies more than double the land the Commission delimited. Therefore, despite Eritrea’s continuous deceit and deflection by referring to the Border Commission decision, it is verifiably clear that Eritrea is violating the territorial integrity of Tigray and Ethiopian sovereignty. The only useful takeaway from the statement by the Embassy of Eritrea in the UK is its unintended admission of Eritrea’s occupation of Tigray and declarations to forcefully annex the areas it occupies. The Ethiopian Government must comply with the promises made in the Pretoria agreement and remove all non-Ethiopian federal forces including the EDF from Tigray.

Secondly, the decades-long violence experienced by border communities and current brutality and violence that has characterized Eritrea and Ethiopia’s genocidal campaign in Tigray underscores the need for a comprehensive resolution that respects historical boundaries and promotes coexistence among communities.

The Algiers Cessation of Hostilities Agreement signed by both Ethiopia and Eritrea after the 1998-2000 war has been repeatedly violated and invalidated by Eritrea, most blatantly when Eritrea invaded and occupied most of Tigray in the November 2020 at the start of the war on Tigray. Eritrea’s violation of the Algiers Agreement and the failure of both Eritrea and Ethiopia to find a peaceful resolution to the conflict and disagreement over the illegal EEBC decision in the years since its promulgation maintained tensions and was a source of gross human rights violations against border communities for more than two decades, including hundreds of enforced disappearances by Eritrean forces. The irresponsible decision of the EEBC that did not consult a single indigenous person on the border and has endangered millions lacks legitimacy. To prevent further violence as a result of the illegal decisions made by EEBC, borders must be demarcated on the ground with the inclusion of the main stakeholders, the people that live on the border, through peaceful and inclusive processes, respecting the rights of all affected communities and international law.

The genocidal war on Tigray committed by the allied forces of Ethiopia and Eritrea has led to the

killing of more than 800,000 civilians in Tigray, the total destruction of the region, and the

ongoing catastrophic civilian suffering across the region and atrocity crimes in the areas that are

currently occupied by Eritrean and Amhara forces. Hence, it is of paramount importance that

there is a new solution that must take into account the broader context of war on Tigray

and ensure that all future agreements and decisions are made and upheld within the

framework of international law and justice.

The current situation in Tigray demands immediate international intervention to address violations of human rights and facilitate meaningful dialogue toward sustainable peace. Eritrea must leave Tigray and cease its aggression on innocent civilians that have suffered war crimes and crimes against humanity in a genocidal campaign for more than 3 years. Immediate action is required to address these egregious crimes against humanity and restore peace to affected communities.
communities.

Irob Anina Civil Society (IACS)

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By Yerega Yaecobe

Strong Reminder Alert: Urgent Attention Required

Concerns and Assessments Regarding Upcoming Federal Government-Tigray Authorities Meeting

As we prepare for the crucial meeting between the Federal Government and Tigray authorities, it is imperative to underscore the gravity of the situation and the indispensable need for adherence to established peace agreements, notably the Pretoria peace agreement and the Nairobi deal.

1. Upholding Constitutional Orders:
The foundation of lasting peace rests upon the strict adherence to federal constitutional orders. The pre-war status quo, territorial integrity, and administrative structure of Tigray must be fully restored without any alterations. This is not negotiable, as it forms the bedrock for sustainable peace in the region.

2. Accountability for Crimes Against Humanity:
The atrocities committed in Western Tigray Zone cannot go unpunished. The relentless campaign of ethnic cleansing, genocide, and other heinous acts perpetrated by security forces and militias from neighboring regions must be met with full accountability. Individuals responsible, including Col. Demeke Zewdu and Belay Ayalew, must be held accountable for their egregious crimes.

3. Immediate Action Required:
The Ethiopian government must take immediate steps to halt these atrocities, grant access to humanitarian agencies, and support credible justice efforts to ensure accountability for grave crimes. The recent report detailing ongoing ethnic cleansing in Western Tigray Zone demands urgent and decisive action to prevent further suffering and loss of life.

4. Upholding Peace Agreements:
The upcoming meeting must prioritize the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement and the Nairobi deal. Any attempts to deviate from these agreements, particularly concerning territorial autonomy and the rights of the Tigray Regional government, must be vehemently opposed. The sovereignty and rights of all regional states, including Tigray, must be respected and upheld.

5. Preparing for Contingencies:
In light of potential challenges and obstacles in the upcoming discussions, it is essential to be prepared for all eventualities.The
Tigray Regional Government and TPLF must assert their positions firmly, emphasizing the unconstitutional nature of any attempts to infringe upon their rights. Failure to do so risks further escalation of hostilities and jeopardizes the hard-won peace agreements.
Conclusion:
The stakes are high, and the responsibilities are immense. We must remain vigilant, proactive, and unwavering in our commitment to peace, justice, and the protection of human rights. Let us collectively strive to ensure that the upcoming meeting paves the way for genuine reconciliation, accountability, and lasting peace in the Horn of Africa

The following demands must be made from #TigraySide in the specified order during the upcoming meeting with the mediators.

1) The Ethiopian regime must publicly instruct the Amhara and Eritrean forces, which it invited to invade Tigray when the war started, to immediately evacuate the Tigray territories.

2) The Ethiopian Federal Government must officially announce the restoration of constitutional order and status quo ante and the return of the territories to the rightful owners; the people of Tigray and its national regional government.

3) The Tigray Regional security forces shall take full responsibility for safeguarding the security of the territories.

4) All internally displaced people and those seeking refuge in foreign countries shall return to their homes.

5) The Interim Administration of Tigray shall establish local interim administrations through elections with the full and direct participation of the residents. With that completed, the Interim Administration of Tigray will fully handle the resumption of basic services, administration, and security duties.

6) The Federal Defence Forces’ unconstitutional mandate to oversee the territories resulting from the Pretoria Ceasefire Agreement shall cease completely, and full control shall be transferred to the Tigray Interim Regional Administration.

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By Yerega Yaecobe

Dear Esteemed Members of the European Union,

We write to you with a sense of urgency and moral obligation regarding the recent exemplary decision taken by the Norwegian Parliament concerning the transnational repression of Eritreans, including illegal activities within European states. The Norwegian Parliament’s bold stance serves as a beacon of hope and a call to action for all European Union member states to address the grave injustices faced by Eritrean citizens residing within our borders.

The Norwegian Parliament’s decision highlights the insidious tactics employed by the Eritrean dictatorship to exert control over its diaspora, including the imposition of a 2% tax on their income, coercion to attend militarized festivals, and indoctrination of children into the regime’s ideologies. Such practices are not only a violation of basic human rights but also a direct affront to the principles of democracy and freedom that we hold dear in the European Union.

We must heed the Norwegian Parliament’s call to action and take concrete steps to combat transnational repression and illegal activities perpetrated by supporters of the Eritrean dictator within our own borders. This includes but is not limited to addressing issues such as human trafficking, money laundering, and the exploitation of democratic systems.

To this end, we urge all European Union member states to consider the following actions:

Halt the imposition of the 2% tax on Eritrean citizens residing within our territories, which directly funds Eritrea’s repressive regime and its military endeavors.
Take measures to prevent the transfer of state subsidies from churches in our countries to Asmara, where dissenting voices are silenced and religious freedom is undermined.
Recognize the so-called “festivals” organized by the Eritrean regime for what they truly are: propaganda tools used to suppress dissent and promote the agenda of the dictatorship. Local authorities and organizations must refrain from providing venues for such events.
It is imperative that we stand in solidarity with the Eritrean people and work collectively to dismantle the mechanisms of repression and exploitation that continue to plague their lives. By adopting the Norwegian Parliament’s exemplary decision and implementing robust measures to counter transnational repression, we can send a clear message that Europe will not tolerate the abuse of human rights within its borders.

We call upon all European Union member states to prioritize this issue and demonstrate our unwavering commitment to upholding democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.

Sincerely,

Mr
human right activist based in Europe’s

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Urgent Call for Justice for Tigrayan Women on International Women’s Day

To whom it may concern

As we mark International Women’s Day on March 8, it is imperative to acknowledge and remember the countless Tigrayan women who have been betrayed, victimized, and forgotten by their own government and the international community.

The atrocities committed by the Ethiopian regime, including rape and torture, continue to devastate the lives of women in South and Western Tigray. These brave women, who have suffered unimaginable horrors, are denied the justice they rightfully deserve. Their voices have been silenced, and their plight remains largely unnoticed by the world.

International Women’s Day holds little significance for these marginalized women, who have been robbed of their dignity and basic human rights. Instead, it serves as a painful reminder of their victimization and the indifference of those in power.

Now, more than ever, it is crucial to raise awareness and demand justice for the Tigrayan women who have been subjected to unspeakable violence. We cannot turn a blind eye to the atrocities committed against them. The perpetrators of these crimes must be held accountable and face the consequences of their actions.

I urge you to join me in advocating for the rights of Tigrayan women and ensuring that their voices are heard. It is time for the world to stand in solidarity with these courageous women and demand justice on their behalf.
the Tigrayan woman are exceptional on their bravery’s and the resiliencies

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A Call to Urgently Implement the CoHA to Save Lives and Foster Peace in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa

The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS) has been closely following the efforts put towards the implementation of the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA) and the subsequent Nairobi Executive Declaration as well as their effects on the peace, security, and humanitarian situation in Tigray. The GSTS recognizes and appreciates the encouraging steps taken both by the Ethiopian Federal and Tigray Governments to silence the guns and the efforts to build trust and further consolidate the peace process.

GSTS fully appreciates the ongoing African Union-hosted strategic review of the implementation of the CoHA, and we are writing at this time to address grave shortcomings threatening the positive gains made through this process at this crucial juncture.

GSTS is a 501(C) and 33/2011 legally registered non-partisan, not-for-profit network knowledge network operating all over the world. With

over 5,000 members, (approximately 1/5 of whom are PhD holders), GSTS is the largest and most active academic and professional

association in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Since the onset of the war on Tigray on 4 November 2020, GSTS has been engaged in

research-based fact finding: data collection and documentation, legal analysis and interpretation, and humanitarian advocacy surrounding

human rights violations, amounting to war of aggression, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide perpetrated against the Tigrayan

GSTS

Sixteen months after the signing of the CoHA and the subsequent Nairobi Declaration, and at a time when the implementation process should have been completed; the suffering of the Tigray people who have yet to recover from the world’s deadliest war in recent history, remains largely unchanged. Unfortunately, some of the humanitarian and security crises facing Tigray and its people have even worsened. Internally Displaced People (IDPs) and refugees continue to languish in makeshift camps and schools starving from inadequate provisions with no clear plan and hope of returning to their habitual homes, and properties. Millions of displaced people and other victims of the war and ethnic cleansing are losing hope as they face severe hunger and disease outbreaks. This is in turn is leading to an increasing number of young people falling victim to human traffickers claiming to facilitate irregular migration to Europe and other destinations via dangerous routes.

Amhara and Eritrean forces continue to illegally occupy large swathes of Tigray committing atrocities against Tigrayans and actively changing the demography of the occupied territories. This clearly contravenes stipulations of the CoHA (Articles 2 (b), 4, and 5.3) and Nairobi Declaration (Article 2.1(d)) of senior commanders which states that “Disarmament of heavy weapons will be done concurrently with the withdrawal of foreign [Eritrean] and non-ENDF [Amhara] forces from the region [Tigray]”. However, this has never been materialized, and the invading forces still continue to commit large-scale atrocity crimes including ethnic cleansing, forced displacement and disappearance, arbitrary detention, forced demographic changes etc. Concerningly, the Federal Government has variously indicated that the future of the occupied territories will be determined by referendum, which was not only stipulated in the CoHA but, if it materializes, will sanction, and legitimize the forceful and unconstitutional occupation of territories derailing the peace process and encouraging similar violent action in other parts of the country.

It is, therefore, extremely urgent at this time for all stakeholders to implement the Pretoria Agreement and the Nairobi Declaration in full to prevent further death and atrocities as well as prevent mass migration of the youth to Europe and elsewhere including the middle east along dangerous routes being vulnerable to human trafficking and other forms of exploitation. Not fully implementing the Peace Agreement has also started to significantly erode the confidence built initially and has led to concerning rhetoric and engagements exacerbating the already precarious security situation in the Horn of Africa and undermining the AU-led initiative to promote African Solutions to African Problems.

Given these alarming circumstances, we call upon the:

1.

African Union, Regional and International Mediators to:

a. Carry out an urgent and rigorous assessment of the progress of the implementation of the

CoHA and deploy all means and tools for its full implementation;

b. Swiftly facilitate the dignified and voluntary return, and resettlement of the millions of IDPs and refugees to their homes, land and properties with appropriate support and reparation as stipulated under Article 5 (3) of the CoHA;

c. Deploy all necessary instruments available to enforce the complete and verifiable withdrawal of all foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigrayan territories and restore Tigray’s territorial and administrative mandate to the pre-November 3, 2020, status, as stipulated in

the Nairobi Declaration of Modalities Article 2.1 (d) in a publicly declared time frame; d. Expedite the full and unfettered resumption of humanitarian aid as per the stipulations of the CoHA (Article 5.1) and the Nairobi Declaration (Article 4) and a complete resumption of unhindered services and commerce to and from Tigray;

e. Immediately intervene to end the large-scale atrocity crimes being committed by the Amhara and Eritrean forces on Tigrayan inhabitants in the illegally occupied territories

1GSTS

contravening Article 4 of the CoHA to protect civilians and uphold applicable international human rights and humanitarian laws;

f. Put all instruments available to immediately launch a comprehensive political dialogue between the Parties to the CoHA to find lasting solutions to underlying root causes of the challenges and political differences; and

g. Mandate an independent and impartial UN-led investigation of all atrocity crimes committed on Tigray, and other places in Ethiopia, and deliver justice and accountability to victims and survivors that has not been ensured so far.

2. Federal Government of Ethiopia to:

a. Respect the Ethiopian and Tigray regional constitutions and Tigray’s territorial integrity and thus:

i. enforce the unconditional, immediate, and complete removal of Amhara and Eritrean forces from the constitutional and historical territories of Tigray;

ii. swiftly expedite the dignified and voluntary return, reintegration, resettlement, rehabilitation and recovery of IDPs and refugees to their homes, land and properties

with appropriate support and reparation as stipulated under Article 5(3) of the CoHA; Restore Tigray’s territorial and administrative integrity to the pre-November 3, 2020, status quo ante, as stipulated in the Nairobi Declaration of Modalities Article 2.1 (d) in a publicly declared time frame. There are no disputed areas as all the occupied areas are historically and legally constituted under the administration of Tigray, and

iv. Revoke the decision to conduct a referendum while the occupied territories are ethnically cleansed and occupying forces have illegally settled in a political move to change the demography of the territories.

b. Ensure effective representation of Tigray in the Federal civil service institutions and offices including in the House of Federation, House of Peoples’ Representatives etc., as per the agreement under Article 9 (1 and 2) of CoHA, and the Ethiopian constitution; and thus the voice of the Tigray people and their interest are heard and they are involved in decisions, and

c. Cooperate with internationally mediated political dialogue and allow unfettered access to UN-mandated investigation of all atrocity crimes committed in Tigray.

3. Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) to: a. Give due priority to victims of the war primarily to IDPs and refugees, Tigrayans in the

occupied territories, address the humanitarian crisis and restore Tigray’s territories; work hand

in hand with the Ethiopian Government, AU, and international mediators to facilitate the dignified and voluntary return and reintegration of IDPs and the restoration of all Tigrayan territories to its administration;

b . Ensure humanitarian aid is delivered to the needy people and that systems are in place to facilitate effective and transparent distribution of aid; and

c. Cooperate with internationally mediated political dialogue and allow unfettered access to UN-mandated investigation of all atrocity crimes committed in Tigray.

We call upon all parties – the Africa Union, AU’s High-Level Panel, the Intergovernmental Authority

on Development (IGAD), the Ethiopian Government, Tigray Interim Administration, the United

States of America (US), the European Union (EU), the UK and the international community at

large to remain committed to the expedited and full implementation of the articles stipulated under

the COHA and Nairobi Executive Declaration and prevent the ongoing horrific humanitarian

misery and security crisis in Tigray, Ethiopia and beyond.

2GSTS

GSTS reiterates its support to the peace process launched through CoHA and Nairobi Executive Declarations and fully commits to working closely with all parties towards the full implementation of CoHA and mitigate the existing humanitarian and security crises and thus bring durable peace in Tigray, Ethiopia, and the Horn of Africa.

The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS)

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A call for a full-implementation of the Pretoria Agreement by Tigrai Universities Scholars Association

The State Department, United States of America European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy

The United Nations Office of the Secretary General

It is to be recalled that the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) was signed between the government of Ethiopia and the TPLF on November 2, 2022 in Pretoria. Following the AU-mediated deal, many hoped to see the words put into action, a complete implementation of the agreement, that is, the withdrawal of foreign and non-ENDF forces from Tigrai, the restoration of the constitution, and safe return of the tens of thousands of the refugees in the Sudan and the hundreds of thousands at IDPs in Tigrai to their homes.

Sadly, Tigrai is getting worse after the truce. In violation of the agreement, the said forces and settlers from Amhara to the different areas of Tigrai are still there, causing mass displacements, torture, killings and disappearances of the hundreds of thousands Tigraians who were unable to flee from their homes. Likewise, those who managed to flee due to the genocidal war are still living in very dire situations at IDP centers.

As the deal is yet to be fully implemented, the suffering and humiliation of the people continues unabated. While tens of thousands slowly die, suffer, and disappear, one-third of what used to be one intact regional state of Tigrai still remains under occupation, thereby complicating the very essence of the deal.

Given the protracted nature of the conflict, and the absence of any clear and binding ultimatum nor consequences for any mishaps, any smooth implementation of the agreement appears to be easier said than done. Sadly, the ones who suffer and are caught in the middle are civilians, the people of Tigrai, in Tigrai and elsewhere.

Hence, the Tigrai Universities Scholars Association (TUSA) strongly urges the AU High Level Panel, the EU, the State Department of USA, the UN, and the international community at large to seriously heed the desperate situation the people of Tigrai are in and play their role to see the implementation of the Pretoria peace agreement to its fullest by ensuring:

1. The immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Eritrean and Amhara forces from all the

territories of Tigrai as per the Pretoria Agreement;

2. The safe and guaranteed return of the Tigraian refugees in the Sudan to their homeland. 3. The end of the suffering of the IDPs by returning them to their homes safely by fulfilling all

4. The restoration of the territorial integrity of Tigrai as per the country’s constitution.

Universities Scholars Association has called for a full implementatiin of the Pretoria Agreement so that the suffering of the millions of Tegaru can get an end.

In its statement, TUSA strongly urged the AU High Level Panel, the
EU, USA, the UN & the IC to seriously heed the desperate situation the people of Tigrai are in and play their role to see the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement.

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By Yaecobe Yerega

Strong Reminder Alert: Urgent Attention Required

Subject: Concerns and Assessments Regarding Upcoming Federal Government-Tigray Authorities Meeting

As we prepare for the crucial meeting between the Federal Government and Tigray authorities, it is imperative to underscore the gravity of the situation and the indispensable need for adherence to established peace agreements, notably the Pretoria peace agreement and the Nairobi deal.

1. Upholding Constitutional Orders:
The foundation of lasting peace rests upon the strict adherence to federal constitutional orders. The pre-war status quo, territorial integrity, and administrative structure of Tigray must be fully restored without any alterations. This is not negotiable, as it forms the bedrock for sustainable peace in the region.

2. Accountability for Crimes Against Humanity:
The atrocities committed in Western Tigray Zone cannot go unpunished. The relentless campaign of ethnic cleansing, genocide, and other heinous acts perpetrated by security forces and militias from neighboring regions must be met with full accountability. Individuals responsible, including Col. Demeke Zewdu and Belay Ayalew, must be held accountable for their egregious crimes.

3. Immediate Action Required:
The Ethiopian government must take immediate steps to halt these atrocities, grant access to humanitarian agencies, and support credible justice efforts to ensure accountability for grave crimes. The recent report detailing ongoing ethnic cleansing in Western Tigray Zone demands urgent and decisive action to prevent further suffering and loss of life.

4. Upholding Peace Agreements:
The upcoming meeting must prioritize the full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement and the Nairobi deal. Any attempts to deviate from these agreements, particularly concerning territorial autonomy and the rights of the Tigray Regional government, must be vehemently opposed. The sovereignty and rights of all regional states, including Tigray, must be respected and upheld.

5. Preparing for Contingencies:
In light of potential challenges and obstacles in the upcoming discussions, it is essential to be prepared for all eventualities.The
Tigray Regional Government and TPLF must assert their positions firmly, emphasizing the unconstitutional nature of any attempts to infringe upon their rights. Failure to do so risks further escalation of hostilities and jeopardizes the hard-won peace agreements.
Conclusion:
The stakes are high, and the responsibilities are immense. We must remain vigilant, proactive, and unwavering in our commitment to peace, justice, and the protection of human rights. Let us collectively strive to ensure that the upcoming meeting paves the way for genuine reconciliation, accountability, and lasting peace in the Horn of Africa

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By Yaecobe Yerega

we remember Tigray Genocide.victims

In loving memory of Professor Meareg Amare Abrha, a beacon of knowledge and a pillar of strength in the academic community. Born on March 21st, 1961, his legacy transcends the confines of time, leaving an indelible mark on those fortunate enough to have known him.

Professor Abrha’s life was a testament to the pursuit of excellence. As a distinguished full Professor of Analytical Chemistry at Bahir Dar University, his passion for education ignited the minds of countless students, inspiring them to reach for the stars.

Tragically, on November 3rd, 2021, his brilliant light was extinguished by the senseless brutality of the Amehara genocidal militia. A victim of the Tigray genocide, his only crime was his Tigrayan heritage, a heritage he wore with pride and dignity.

Today, as we gather to bid farewell to our beloved professor, we are reminded of the profound injustice that robbed us of his wisdom and guidance. His untimely departure serves as a stark reminder of the atrocities committed against the Tigrayan people.

As Professor Abrha’s body is laid to rest in the sacred land of Aksum, amidst the echoes of Christian Orthodox traditions, let us vow to honor his memory by tirelessly advocating for justice. The Amhara regional government bears the weight of his blood on their hands, and they must be held accountable for their heinous actions.

Though his physical presence may have departed from this world, his spirit lives on in the hearts of those who were privileged to know him. Let us cherish the memories we shared with Professor Meareg Amare Abrha and draw strength from his enduring legacy as we continue the fight for a more just and equitable world.

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